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                <text>&lt;em&gt;The White Scourge: Mexicans, Blacks, and Poor Whites in Texas Cotton Culture&lt;/em&gt;</text>
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                <text>In &lt;em&gt;The White Scourage: Mexicans, Blacks, and Poor Whites in Texan Cotton Culture&amp;nbsp;&lt;/em&gt;historian Neil Foley &lt;span&gt;writes about the westward expansion of cotton culture in the Old South fundamentally shaped the social, economic, and political development of the American Southwest, extending the plantation economy, deepening reliance on slavery, and shaping racial power dynamics. To do so, he uses economic data about the price of cotton, government documents including the Indian Removal Act of 1830, plantation records, diaries by plantation owners and the enslaved, and speeches by Southern politicians. The historiography he contributes to is one shaped by scholars of slavery and geographers looking at Western expansion.&amp;nbsp;&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;&lt;span class="post_mention"&gt;The book establishes a crucial historical context for understanding contemporary migration by demonstrating that the South has long been a site of diverse population movements, both forced and voluntary, that have profoundly affected its social, economic, and political structures. It highlights how the expansion of cotton agriculture was driven by the movement of people and the exploitation of labor, therefore creating a complex racial hierarchy that continues to resonate in the region.&amp;nbsp;White Scourage&amp;nbsp;r&lt;/span&gt;eflects how cotton monoculture led to soil depletion, linking environmental history to human-driven economic growth.&amp;nbsp;&lt;br /&gt;&lt;/span&gt;</text>
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                <text>Neil Foley, &lt;em&gt;The White Scourge: Mexicans, Blacks, and Poor Whites in Texas Cotton Culture&lt;/em&gt; (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1996).</text>
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        <name>Mexican labor</name>
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                <text>“Identity, Pride, and a Paycheck: Appalachian and Other Southern Women in Uptown, Chicago, 1950-1970.”</text>
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                <text>Roger Guy, “Identity, Pride, and a Paycheck: Appalachian and Other Southern Women in Uptown, Chicago, 1950-1970,” &lt;em&gt;Journal of Appalachian Studies&lt;/em&gt;, vol. 7, no. 1, 2001, pp. 46–63.</text>
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                <text>In this journal article Richard Guy argues that the voice of “women remains conspicuously absent or subsumed within the family” regarding postwar migration out of the South to Uptown, Chicago (Guy, 46). He claims that in the previous historiography, women have not been labeled as actors in their migration. The purpose of his article is to center women in the Appalachian migration story (Guy, 46). Between 1950 and 1970, 40 to 80 percent of migrants to Chicago came from the South (Guy, 51). Half of this migration originated from Kentucky and West Virginia (48). From 1950 to 1956, approximately 800,000 people moved to Chicago (Guy, 51). &#13;
&#13;
Many Southern women saw the migration to Uptown as an opportunity for social mobility, for women to get employed, and for more independence (Guy, 46, 51). While Uptown was in an abysmal condition when many families arrived, women still found themselves holding the family together, and women’s work often guaranteed the family's survival (Guy, 46). Contrary to previous narratives about migration in Appalachian studies, Guy discovered that women were key in the family's decision to move to Chicago. They had “an impressive amount of control in directing their family’s migration” (Guy, 56). The women interviewed by Guy were clear that while they did enjoy increased independence and freedom in Uptown, it was not without large amounts of calculated risks (Guy, 55). Women were also more likely than men to discuss issues of race and seemed to be more willing to be receptive to working with people of color to survive (Guy, 55). The evidence presented by Guy demonstrates that women were more autonomous than previous scholarship suggested and that women were formidable powerhouses both in the move to Uptown and once they arrived. </text>
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                <text>&lt;em&gt;Hillbilly Highway: The Transappalachian Migration and the Making of a White Working Class&lt;/em&gt;</text>
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                <text>Max Fraser, "On the Road: Migration and the Making of a Transregional Working Class" in Hillbilly Highway: The Transappalachian Migration and the Making of a White Working Class (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2023). </text>
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                <text>In the second chapter of his book, Max Fraser shares how hillbilly highway, formally known as the U.S. Route 45, U.S. 31, U.S. 41 and U.S. 45, created opportunities for a “new type of mobility and a new form of migration” (Fraser, 50 and 51). Fraser argues against the typical migration studies philosophy of only noting the starting and ending points of migration, and he believes the migration experience is just as critical as the starting and ending locations (Fraser, 48). To demonstrate the experience of migration, Fraser relies on testimonies both from migrants themselves and from newspaper clippings to tell what the trip from the South to Midwestern cities was like (Fraser, 46).&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;&lt;span&gt;Fraser reiterates that transportation difficulties were a characteristic of the upper South and defined many Southerners' lives (Fraser, 49). However, through the mid-1920s, New Deal programs and poor economic conditions forced Southerners out of the South (Fraser, 51). Migrants often used the innumerable “taxi” services to leave the country sides on track for the midwest or “buses” which were station wagons (Fraser, 54 and 55). While most migrants were men, the most common women on the road were young women who were going to work, unpaid, as housewives (Fraser, 61).&amp;nbsp; Not only did the hillbilly highway bring people it also brought goods from the South to the North and vice versa (Fraser, 62). Fraser is sure to highlight the peculiarities of this migration. For instance, many of the white Southerners who went to the Midwest were only there sporadically or when work was short in the South, and they often travelled back home (Fraser, 71). He shares that this pattern is not true for Black southerners, as they were often fleeing the racial violence in the Jim Crow South and had a lower desire to return (Fraser, 73).&amp;nbsp; As a result of the cyclical migration Fraser describes, families found themselves constantly between old and new homes.&lt;/span&gt;</text>
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