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                <text>A Little Caesars Manager’s Message to Hispanic People, 2025</text>
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                <text>A social media post from February 2025 stated: "This post is to inform you that Little Caesars is not a safe place for undocumented workers. My manager, who claims he has power to call ICE, is willing to put undocumented workers at risk and threaten them with calling ICE to protect himself, and he will likely do so if there are undocumented workers present." &#13;
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This happened in Snellville, GA, which has a significant minority population, amid the rise in deportations following the inauguration of Donald Trump. The source suggests a reignition of negative American policy and social attitudes surrounding immigrants and minorities where instead of being welcomed and encouraged to immigrate to the US, they are being arrested and seen as criminals by the government. This sign was created by Little Caeser's manager, Caleb Marsh, with the intent of scaring away minorities. The photo first circulated on the internet when a customer took a photo and "Luis Estrada Telemundo Atlanta" posted it on Facebook which caused a stir on social media. &#13;
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This source illustrates how government fear and anti-immigrant rhetoric leads to resident fear and mobilization against immigrant groups. In the United States' history, there have been many campaigns against immigrant and minority populations. In the contemporary moment this manager was willing to hate and risk public scrutiny and potential negative feedback because his views align with the current administration.&#13;
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Although Georgia is often seen as a beacon of the "New South" which is diverse and a growing economic power, there are heavy remnants of the racist and anti-immigrant south that we attribute to being in the past. This source may lead us to ask: How can the public fact check the information they encounter online? What motivates and emboldens a population to outwardly hate those deemed "other"? </text>
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                <text>Screenshot included in Kandiss Edwards, &lt;a href="https://www.blackenterprise.com/georgia-little-ceasars-deport-call-ice-hispanic/"&gt;"Not a Georgia Little Ceasers Threatening to Call ICE On Its Patrons,"&lt;/a&gt; Black Enterprise, February 7, 2025.</text>
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                <text>Feburary 7, 2025.</text>
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                <text>Montgomery and Atlanta News First Staff.&lt;a href="https://www.atlantanewsfirst.com/2025/02/07/sign-threatens-call-ice-snellville-little-caesars/"&gt; “Sign at Snellville Little Caesars Threatens to Call Ice on Customers.”&lt;/a&gt; February 7, 2025.</text>
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                <text>Religious Liberty, Migration, and the Border</text>
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                <text>United States Conference of Catholic Bishops,&lt;a href="https://www.usccb.org/committees/religious-liberty/religious-liberty-backgrounder-religious-liberty-migration-and-border"&gt; "Religious Liberty Backgrounder: Religious Liberty, Migration, and the Border,"&lt;/a&gt; 2025.</text>
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                <text>This proclamation was issued by the United States Conference of Catholic Bishops, an assembly of Catholic bishops who oversee pastoral functions within Catholic congregations in the United States on on February 6, 2025. The proclamation was then archived online for public access.&#13;
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This document expresses strong opposition to the Trump administration’s migration and border policies, grounding the proclamation's stance in Catholic doctrine. It specifically condemns the administration’s expansion of U.S Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE) operations into hospitals and schools, as well as its attempts to revoke birthright citizenship (Trump, Executive Order 14160) (“Statement from a DHS Spokesperson on Directives Expanding Law Enforcement and Ending the Abuse of Humanitarian Parole,” United States Department of Homeland Security).&#13;
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This proclamation serves three main purposes. First, it seeks to comfort and support Hispanic immigrant communities, who are predominantly Catholic and directly affected by these policies. Second, it argues that the administration’s actions are immoral, using Catholic teachings to justify this position. Third, it highlights how the government has actively obstructed Catholic organizations working to assist migrants along the US-Mexico border (Mohamed et al., 2023). While the document primarily addresses Catholics, it particularly appeals to Hispanic immigrant communities by emphasizing collaboration between bishops in the US and Mexico. However, it also informs a broader audience about the challenges aid workers face at the border and the alarming nature of the administration’s policies.&#13;
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This source directly engages with migration issues by discussing recent immigration policies and their moral implications. It underscores the essential role religious organizations play at the US-Mexico border and their efforts to uphold the human rights of migrants. The proclamation also highlights the US government’s attempts to hinder Catholic missions from fulfilling their religious duty to help those in need—an act that contradicts the country’s foundational commitment to religious freedom. Since this statement comes from a religious organization, it raises concerns about the unethical direction of US migration policy, a warning that all citizens, regardless of their religious beliefs, should take seriously.&#13;
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As readers analyze this source, they should consider why an outside religious organization must step in to protect migrants' human rights and why the government is aggressively working to reduce its capacity to do so. They should also reflect on how politicians manipulate religion, particularly Christianity, to promote hatred, racism, and xenophobia, despite clear biblical and doctrinal teachings that oppose such views.</text>
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                <text>This table, titled Perceived Health Status, Access to Care, and Diseases and Conditions, presents data on health disparities between documented and undocumented women in Fort Worth, Texas. The data shown in this table is part of a broader study on immigrant health conducted in 2002 by the University of North Texas Health Science Center at Fort Worth. The data’s intended audience is other academics who can then distribute the results to the general public. The researchers recruited 194 women (documented and undocumented) from various locations, including churches, laundromats, flea markets, and health departments. The study focused on Spanish-speaking immigrants and gathered responses through face-to-face interviews using structured surveys adapted from national health studies. Texas has long been a major hub for immigration, and despite Texas’s economic power, in 2005, it had one of the highest percentages of uninsured residents in the country. The survey was used to glean the data to make this graph geared to assess participants’ migration status, health conditions, and access to healthcare services. This sheds light on the barriers faced by undocumented women in accessing medical care.&#13;
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The primary source table has compelling empirical evidence that undocumented migrant women in Fort Worth face significant healthcare access barriers. The data reveal that these women have a lower perceived health status, far less insurance coverage (only 10 of the interviewed undocumented women had insurance in some form), and limited access to primary care (56.6% vs 32.9%). This indicates that immigration status directly impacts health outcomes, which will set the stage to investigate underlying social, political, and economic causes for this gap. Texas’s high uninsured rates emphasize the systemic factors that limit access to essential healthcare services for undocumented populations. Drawing a historical parallel with the Jim Crow era, when African American communities were systematically denied quality healthcare, the data in the table highlights that exclusionary practices have deep roots and lasting impacts. I will further investigate this topic through my secondary sources. This primary source can be useful for advocates, politicians, and physicians who are looking for ways to identify inequities in healthcare and work towards solutions. Future questions could explore how these disparities evolve over time and how state and federal policies influence healthcare outcomes for undocumented immigrants across the U.S. South.</text>
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                <text>Marshall, Khiya J, Ximena Urrutia-Rojas, Francisco Soto Mas, and Claudia Coggin. 2005. “Health Status and Access to Health Care of Documented and Undocumented Immigrant Latino Women.” &lt;em&gt;Health Care for Women International&lt;/em&gt; 26 (10): 916–36. https://doi.org/10.1080/07399330500301846.</text>
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                <text>&lt;i&gt;&lt;span&gt;Welcome to Fairyland: Queer Miami before 1940&lt;/span&gt;&lt;/i&gt;</text>
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                <text>Julio Capó Jr., &lt;em&gt;Welcome to Fairyland: Queer Miami before 1940&lt;/em&gt; (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2017).</text>
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                <text>Julio Capó writes about migration from the Caribbean to Miami. He uses newspapers, police records, medical records, and federal/state immigration laws to retell the development of Miami.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;In chapter two, Capó highlights and transnational queer Bahamian migrants and their impact on the political, cultural, and geographic landscape. He tells the story of Bahamian migration and their unique, mostly male demographic that was a product of US labor extortion laws and the declining economy in the Bahamas. Capó claims that a clash between conservatism and lewdism defined the development of pre-WW2 Miami. Bahamian women had extraordinary difficulty living alone in both the Bahamas and Miami due to their prescribed hyper-sexuality. In contrast to other work on the history of immigration, Capó centers the varied intersections of Bahamian identities and calls for a transnational retelling of their migration. He illustrates this historical approach through tracing the life of Sam Carey who migrated to the U.S. in search of economic opportunity but was hyper sexualized and festishized due to Miami’s tourist-centered economy.</text>
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                <text>&lt;em&gt;Forging Diaspora: Afro-Cubans and African Americans in a World of Empire and Jim Crow&lt;/em&gt;</text>
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                <text>In the third chapter of&amp;nbsp;&lt;em&gt;Forging Diaspora&lt;/em&gt;, &lt;span&gt;Frank Guridy examines a link between Afro-cubans and Black Americans through the Cuban migration to the United States to pursue an education at Historically Black colleges and universities (HBCU), specifically the Tuskegee Institute. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Using Tuskegee as an example, he argues that Cubans were able to receive a higher level of education in HBCU's and that kids were being sent over not just because of racial reasons, but also because parents saw an opportunity for their kids to advance themselves. However, the US government looked at this as a way to maintain the racial hierarchies that were already present in American society. Guridy also emphasizes Booker T. Washingtons "moderate" mindset on the afro-hispanic migration to black colleges. While he wanted to establish an identification with colored people worldwide, he also wanted to show his allegiance to the United States. Washington's approach to afro-hispanics joining HBCU's highlights the intersectionality between achieving racial progress for African-Americans and maintaining the racial structure of post-civil war America.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Guridy's approach gives insight into how Black people were able to achieve racial progress, even during a time in which the US government was striving to restrict said progress.&lt;/span&gt;</text>
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                <text>Frank Guridy, “Forging Diaspora in the Shadow of Empire: The Tuskegee-Cuba Connection” in&amp;nbsp;&lt;em&gt;Forging Diaspora&lt;/em&gt; &lt;span class="textLayer--absolute" dir="ltr" role="presentation"&gt;(The University of North Carolina Press, &lt;/span&gt;&lt;span class="textLayer--absolute" dir="ltr" role="presentation"&gt;2010): 17-60.&lt;/span&gt;</text>
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                <text>&lt;em&gt;Houston Bound: Culture and Color in a Jim Crow City&lt;/em&gt;</text>
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                <text>In the first chapter of&amp;nbsp;&lt;em&gt;Houston Bound&lt;/em&gt;, Steptoe &lt;span&gt;investigates the cultural and racial transformations in Houston, Texas, during the era of Jim Crow segregation. She explores the migration patterns that shaped the city's Black, Creole, and Mexican American communities, illustrating how these groups navigated racial boundaries and influenced Houston’s cultural landscape. Using historical interpretation, narrative accounts, and folkloric traditions, Steptoe shows how music, migration, law enforcement, and other factors created and "managed" Black urban life.&lt;/span&gt;&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;&lt;span&gt;One of the major aspects of the work is the rural work and urban police system as exemplified by Huddie Ledbetter (Leadbelly) and the construction of Black neighborhoods as centers of cultural and political defiance. This work offers great insight for students and practitioners of the African American history, urbanism, and cultural geography by revealing the complex interrelations of race, place, and identity in the South United States.&lt;/span&gt;</text>
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                <text>Tyina L. Steptoe, "&lt;span&gt;The Bayou City in Black and White" in&lt;/span&gt;&amp;nbsp;&lt;em&gt;Houston Bound: Culture and Color in a Jim Crow City&lt;/em&gt;:21-59.&amp;nbsp;1st ed., University of California Press, 2016.</text>
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                <text>A "Carpetbagger" in South Carolina</text>
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                <text>A personal record of a white Northerner, Louis F. Post, recounting his experience moving to South Carolina to work for the US Attorney for the District of South Carolina in 1870. The account was written for and published in the Journal of African American History in 1925. The source aims to fairly and objectively document the legal, social, and cultural landscape of South Carolina from the perspective of a Northerner doing public work in the Reconstruction-era South. The source is intended for a mostly Northern audience, but effort is made to improve understanding of both Northern and Southern perspectives on the other, as well as to document how various social and political forces manifested themselves socially. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;This source is a direct account of one man’s migration from North to South, documenting the changes and challenges he encountered. Despite previously&amp;nbsp; ordained political power, Post was presented with constant challenges to his social and cultural authority, restricting his mobility within society. From this source, we may learn of the priorities of a political regime seated in the North taking power in the South, as well as gain a detailed snapshot of various social forces and organizations at play in that struggle. As this source is highly anecdotal, it is worth exploring how much of his experience was ubiquitous to the rest of the South and the experience of other types of Northerners who made similar migrations.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;&lt;em&gt;&lt;strong&gt;Further Suggested Reading:&lt;/strong&gt;&lt;/em&gt; &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Carl H. Moneyhon, “Carpetbaggers,” &lt;em&gt;Handbook of Texas Online&lt;/em&gt;, accessed February 18, 2025, https://www.tshaonline.org/handbook/entries/carpetbaggers.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Fleming, Walter Lynwood, ed. &lt;em&gt;Documentary History of Reconstruction: The Union League of America&lt;/em&gt;. Vol. 2. AH Clark Company, 1907. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Marten, James. “The Making of a Carpetbagger: George S. Denison and the South, 1854-1866.” &lt;em&gt;Louisiana History: The Journal of the Louisiana Historical Association&lt;/em&gt; 34, no. 2 (1993): 133–60. http://www.jstor.org/stable/4233009.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Owens, Susie Lee. &lt;em&gt;The Union League of America: Political Activities in Tennessee, the Carolinas, and Virginia, 1865-1870&lt;/em&gt;. New York University, 1943. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Reynolds, John Schreiner. &lt;em&gt;Reconstruction in South Carolina, 1865-1877&lt;/em&gt;. State Company, 1905.</text>
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                <text>Post, Louis F. "A ‘Carpetbagger’ in South Carolina." The Journal of Negro History 10, no. 1 (1925): 10-79.</text>
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