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                <text>The Refugee Act of 1980 </text>
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                <text>The Refugee Act of 1980, signed by President Jimmy Carter, responded to the Southeast Asian refugee crisis following the U.S. evacuation of Vietnam and Cambodia. It amended the Immigration and Nationality Act and the Migration and Refugee Assistance Act, formally defining “refugee” as an individual with a “well-founded fear of persecution.” The act increased the annual refugee cap from 17,400 to 50,000, established a framework for reassessing this limit in emergencies, and mandated annual consultations between Congress and the President. Though refugee admissions often exceeded the cap, the act laid the groundwork for resettlement programs, funding allocations, and administrative structures that supported displaced populations globally. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;The act also facilitated the resettlement of Vietnamese refugees across the U.S., with Texas receiving the second-largest population after California—11.3% of Vietnamese Americans lived there by the early 1980s. Today, cities like Houston host thriving Vietnamese communities shaped by successive immigration waves between the 1970s and 1990s. The act marked a shift in Southern immigration patterns, where Asian migration had historically been restricted. A 1975 Gallup poll revealed that 54% of Americans opposed admitting Vietnamese refugees, citing job competition concerns. The act faced an immediate challenge with the 1980 Mariel Boatlift, when Fidel Castro allowed Cubans to leave via Mariel Harbor. Around 125,000 Cubans fled to Florida, many escaping economic and political hardship. Processing centers that had housed Vietnamese refugees just years earlier now served Cuban migrants. The Refugee Act of 1980 reflects America’s geopolitical decisions and enduring impact—forever intertwining generations of different cultures within the American South. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;See: &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Tawardros, Jerri Blaney. "A Comparative Overview of the Vietnamese and Cuban Refugee Crises: Did the Refugee Act of 1980 Change Anything." &lt;em&gt;Suffolk Transnational Law Journal&lt;/em&gt;, vol. 6, no. 1, 1981-82, pp. 25-58. HeinOnline, https://heinonline-org.proxy.library.emory.edu/HOL/P?h=hein.journals/sujtnlr6&amp;amp;i=32. Accessed 20 Feb. 2025. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Do, Hien Duc. “The New Migrants from Asia: Vietnamese in the United States.” &lt;em&gt;OAH Magazine of History&lt;/em&gt;, vol. 10, no. 4, 1996, pp. 61–66. JSTOR, http://www.jstor.org/stable/25163102. Accessed 20 Feb. 2025.</text>
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                <text>The Refugee Act of 1980. U.S. National Archives. The Refugee Act of 1980, Page 1 of 18. 20 Nov. 2015. National Archives Foundation, https://archivesfoundation.org/documents/refugee-act-1980/. Accessed 23 Feb. 2025.</text>
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                <text>Interview with Cynthia Bredenberg&#13;
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                <text>&lt;span&gt;This source is an oral history interview&lt;/span&gt;&lt;a href="https://newroots.lib.unc.edu/items/show/297"&gt;&amp;nbsp;oral history interview&lt;/a&gt; with Cynthia Bredenberg, a Spanish teacher at Jordan-Matthews High School in Siler City, North Carolina.&#13;
&lt;p&gt;&lt;span&gt;Conducted by Lindley Andrew, an undergraduate student at the University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill, this interview explores Bredenberg’s fifteen-year experience working in a predominantly Latinx school. The conversation highlights demographic shifts, socio-economic challenges, and the struggles faced by her immigrant students, including financial instability, housing insecurity, and limited access to higher education.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;&lt;em&gt;&lt;strong&gt;Navigating the New Latino South&lt;/strong&gt;&lt;/em&gt;&lt;br /&gt;&lt;/span&gt;&lt;/p&gt;&#13;
&lt;p&gt;&lt;span&gt;The interview was created as part of a broader academic project to document migration experiences in North Carolina. It provides valuable insights into the intersection of migration, education, and community support in the U.S. South. Bredenberg also describes the role of community organizations, such as El Vínculo Hispano, in supporting migrant families and the grassroots efforts educators take to help their students. These grassroots efforts include personal mentorship from teachers, connecting students with scholarships and local organizations, and direct advocacy for bilingual education programs.&lt;/span&gt;&lt;/p&gt;&#13;
&lt;p&gt;&lt;span&gt;The interview serves as a firsthand account of how migration policies, public perceptions, and economic conditions shape educational experiences. It was primarily created for an academic audience, including researchers, educators, and policymakers interested in understanding Latinx migration experiences in the South.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;&lt;strong&gt;&lt;em&gt;Personal Narratives &amp;amp; Historical Parallels&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;&lt;/em&gt;&lt;/strong&gt;&lt;/span&gt;&lt;span&gt;This primary source is valuable for understanding the educational challenges faced by Latinx immigrant students in the U.S. South. It provides qualitative evidence of how migration impacts students' educational trajectories, mental health, and access to resources. The firsthand perspective of an educator working directly with immigrant students offers insights that statistical reports often lack.&lt;/span&gt;&lt;/p&gt;&#13;
&lt;p&gt;&lt;span&gt;The challenges faced by Latinx students today mirror past migration waves in the U.S. The early 20th-century experiences of Eastern European and Italian immigrants, who faced language barriers and were often tracked into low-wage jobs, parallel Latinx students' struggles with bilingual education and limited access to higher education. Similarly, the Great Migration of African Americans saw systemic segregation and limited resources in schools, challenges that continue to impact Latinx students in new destination states.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;This source reinforces the argument that schools either facilitate or obstruct migrant students’ success. The interview offers concrete examples of grassroots efforts and systemic challenges, contributing to discussions on racialization, identity formation, and bilingual education policies.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;/span&gt;&lt;/p&gt;&#13;
&lt;div class="exhibit-block layout-text"&gt;&#13;
&lt;p&gt;&lt;span&gt;Future research questions may include: How do migration patterns in North Carolina compare to other southern states? What are the long-term effects of bilingual education on Latino students? How can policies better support mixed-status families? This source provides essential context for understanding migration’s impact on education in the "Migrant South."&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;&lt;strong&gt;&lt;em&gt;Further Readings&lt;br /&gt;&lt;/em&gt;&lt;/strong&gt;&lt;/span&gt;&lt;/p&gt;&#13;
&lt;p&gt;&lt;span&gt;Wainer, Andrew.&amp;nbsp;&lt;/span&gt;&lt;i&gt;&lt;span&gt;The New Latino South and the Challenge to American Public Education.&lt;/span&gt;&lt;/i&gt;&lt;span&gt;&amp;nbsp;&lt;/span&gt;&lt;i&gt;&lt;span&gt;International Migration&lt;/span&gt;&lt;/i&gt;&lt;span&gt;, Vol. 44, No. 5, 2006, pp. 129-163. DOI:&lt;/span&gt;&lt;a href="https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/10.1111/j.1468-2435.2006.00389.x"&gt;&lt;span&gt;&amp;nbsp;&lt;/span&gt;&lt;span&gt;10.1111/j.1468-2435.2006.00389.x&lt;/span&gt;&lt;/a&gt;&lt;span&gt;.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Weiner highlights how rapid Latino migration in North Carolina strained public schools, leading to segregation and resource disparities. These findings align with Bredenberg’s reflections on financial burdens and limited support systems for immigrant students.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;&lt;/span&gt;&lt;/p&gt;&#13;
&lt;p&gt;&lt;span&gt;Portales, Rita, and Marco Portales.&amp;nbsp;&lt;/span&gt;&lt;i&gt;&lt;span&gt;Quality Education for Latinos and Latinas: Print and Oral Skills for All Students, K-College.&lt;/span&gt;&lt;/i&gt;&lt;span&gt;&amp;nbsp;University of Texas Press, 2005.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Additionally, Rita and Marco Portales' book,&amp;nbsp;&lt;i&gt;Quality Education for Latinos and Latinas&lt;/i&gt;, underscores systemic barriers in public schools, such as the lack of culturally competent educators and limited access to advanced coursework. Without targeted interventions like bilingual education and culturally relevant curricula, disparities in achievement will persist.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;&lt;/span&gt;&lt;/p&gt;&#13;
&lt;p&gt;&lt;span&gt;Hamann, Edmund T., Stanton Wortham, and Enrique G. Murillo Jr., eds.&amp;nbsp;&lt;/span&gt;&lt;i&gt;&lt;span&gt;Education in the New Latino Diaspora: Policy and the Politics of Identity.&lt;/span&gt;&lt;/i&gt;&lt;span&gt;&amp;nbsp;Bloomsbury Publishing, 2001.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Chapters from&amp;nbsp;&lt;i&gt;Education in the New Latino Diaspora: Policy and the Politics of Identity&lt;/i&gt;&amp;nbsp;further examine migration and education policies in new destination states. This book highlights schools' struggles to accommodate Latino students due to insufficient bilingual support.&amp;nbsp;Hamann&amp;nbsp;discusses bilingual education politics in Georgia and tensions between assimilation and dual-language programs.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;/span&gt;&lt;/p&gt;&#13;
&lt;p&gt;&lt;span&gt;&amp;nbsp;&lt;/span&gt;&lt;/p&gt;&#13;
&lt;p&gt;&lt;/p&gt;&#13;
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                <text>New Roots/Nuevas Raíces, University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill</text>
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                <text>April 15, 2023&#13;
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                <text>El Vínculo Hispano, Jordan-Matthews High School.=&#13;
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                <text>Related research includes works on Latinx migration, bilingual education, and the challenges of new immigrant destinations in the U.S. South.</text>
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                <text>Siler City, North Carolina; U.S. South; Latinx Migration; Bilingual Education Policies&#13;
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                <text>&lt;a href="https://newroots.lib.unc.edu/items/show/297"&gt;Interview with Cynthia Bredenberg by Lindley Andrew&lt;/a&gt;, 15 April 2023, R-1013, in the Southern Oral History Program Collection #4007, Southern Historical Collection, Wilson Library, University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill.</text>
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                <text>United States Conference of Catholic Bishops: Religious Liberty, Migration, and the Border Proclamation </text>
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                <text>&lt;em&gt;The White Scourge: Mexicans, Blacks, and Poor Whites in Texas Cotton Culture&lt;/em&gt;</text>
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                <text>In &lt;em&gt;The White Scourage: Mexicans, Blacks, and Poor Whites in Texan Cotton Culture&amp;nbsp;&lt;/em&gt;historian Neil Foley &lt;span&gt;writes about the westward expansion of cotton culture in the Old South fundamentally shaped the social, economic, and political development of the American Southwest, extending the plantation economy, deepening reliance on slavery, and shaping racial power dynamics. To do so, he uses economic data about the price of cotton, government documents including the Indian Removal Act of 1830, plantation records, diaries by plantation owners and the enslaved, and speeches by Southern politicians. The historiography he contributes to is one shaped by scholars of slavery and geographers looking at Western expansion.&amp;nbsp;&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;&lt;span class="post_mention"&gt;The book establishes a crucial historical context for understanding contemporary migration by demonstrating that the South has long been a site of diverse population movements, both forced and voluntary, that have profoundly affected its social, economic, and political structures. It highlights how the expansion of cotton agriculture was driven by the movement of people and the exploitation of labor, therefore creating a complex racial hierarchy that continues to resonate in the region.&amp;nbsp;White Scourage&amp;nbsp;r&lt;/span&gt;eflects how cotton monoculture led to soil depletion, linking environmental history to human-driven economic growth.&amp;nbsp;&lt;br /&gt;&lt;/span&gt;</text>
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                <text>Neil Foley, &lt;em&gt;The White Scourge: Mexicans, Blacks, and Poor Whites in Texas Cotton Culture&lt;/em&gt; (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1996).</text>
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                <text>“‘South of the South?’ Jews, Blacks, and the Civil Rights Movement in Miami, 1945-1960”</text>
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                <text>Dr. Raymond Mohl was a professor of history who dedicated his work to exploring the urban histories of the South and the many problems associated with it. His focus is exemplified in this article as he discusses the interactions between Jewish and Black communities during the civil rights movement in Miami from 1945 to 1960. The piece follows the efforts of civil rights organizations such as the NAACP and the Congress of Racial Equality (CORE), as well as highlighting personal stories of individual activists. Mohl documents the work done by these groups and how certain activists interacted, as well as the opposition to their efforts, especially from the KKK and anti-communist McCarthyism. Overall the article expands our understanding of the lived experience of various marginalized groups and what, if any, shared experience they may have had in the Jim Crow South.&#13;
&#13;
Specifically, Dr. Mohl examines the interactions that Black and Jewish communities in the mid-20th century in Miami and works to understand how each community navigated a time when racial and political violence was rampant. Through this paper, it is understood that while Black and Jewish communities were held as “outsiders”, their lived experience indicates that both communities were not as collaborative as imagined. What prevented the mobility of brotherhood between the two communities was McCarthyism. The “red scare” forced both communities into their enclaves, only enabling some members of either community to forge bonds. This piece serves as reminder that lived experiences of those may not reflect the heroic ideology that we so earnestly want to believe in and that mobility extends beyond just the movement of people. &#13;
&#13;
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                <text>Raymond A. “‘South of the South?’ Jews, Blacks, and the Civil Rights Movement in Miami, 1945-1960.” &lt;em&gt;J&lt;/em&gt;&lt;em&gt;ournal of American Ethnic History&lt;/em&gt;, vol. 18, no. 2, 1999, pp. 3–36. JSTOR, https://www.jstor.org/stable/27502414.</text>
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                  <text>Histories of Racial Violence</text>
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                <text>“Strange Fruit? Syrian Immigrants, Extralegal Violence and Racial Formation in the Jim Crow South” </text>
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                <text>In this article Sarah Gualtieri uses a combination of newspapers, government data, journals, reports, court cases, and primary accounts as her historical backing for this article. She illustrates the unique position Arab-Americans have had since the Jim Crow Era, a racialization which has shifted and continues into modern times (especiallt post 9/11). In this piece she focuses on Arab migrants' perceived "whiteness" and despite how they may have "looked white" on the outside, they were still subject to discrimination and violence throughout American history. She writes that Arabs were "a minority without minority status" and "the most invisible of the invisibles". She traces the 1929 lynching of Nicholas and Fannie Romey and how because he lacked roots in the southern community and "belonged to a suspect immigrant group", he was subject to exclusion from white controlled spaces. She also writes that the untimely deaths of Nicholas and Fannie "form part of the sediment on which later racialization projects were, and are, being built."</text>
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                <text>Sarah Gualtieri, “Strange Fruit? Syrian Immigrants, Extralegal Violence and Racial Formation in the Jim Crow South,” &lt;em&gt;Arab Studies Quarterly&lt;/em&gt; 26, no 3 (Summer 2004): 63-85.</text>
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                <text>Front Page of Religious Liberty,&#13;
Migration, and the Border</text>
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                <text>Immigration Reform and Control Act of 1986</text>
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                <text>November 6, 1986.</text>
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                <text>Introduced by Senator Simpson (R-WY) and signed into law by President Reagan, the Immigration Reform and Control Act of 1986 made it unlawful for people and companies in the United States to hire undocumented people and/or continue to employ them despite knowing their status. The act also stated that it is a fair hiring practice for employers to hire US citizens and/or documented residents over equally qualified undocumented workers. The most noteworthy piece of the legislation is under Title II of the Act: any undocumented person can apply to gain temporary status and then permanent status as long as they can prove that they had been living in the US since Jan 1, 1982 without having commited any felonies nor at least three misdemeanors and prove that they understand some English and have some knowledge of American history and government. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Before the act passed, some undocumented Mexican immigrants would move in and out of the US in cycles but because of the Act's further militarization of the border, crossing the border became more expensive and more dangerous, so settling in the US and sending remittances home became the norm. The number of undocumented immigrants coming from Central America also increased in the 1980s following US intervention in the military conflicts in Central America. Some of these refugees played a part in advocating for the provisions under Title II in the Act that gave undocumented immigrants the path to change their status. While the Act did help 2.7 million undocumented people gain residency - including thousands in the South - it did not help keep people from moving to the United States. At the time of the bill's signing, there was an estimated 3.2 million undocumented people living in the United States but by 2000, that number had grown to about 8.5 million undocumented people. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;See: &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Gonzales, Alfonso. &lt;em&gt;Reform without Justice : Latino Migrant Politics and the Homeland Security State&lt;/em&gt;. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2014. Pg 53-55.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Warde, Bryan. "Undocumented Immigration." In &lt;em&gt;INSIDE U.S. IMMIGRATION POLICY the Historical and Social Forces Shaping Contemporary Debates&lt;/em&gt;. New York: ROUTLEDGE, 2025. https://doi.org/10.4324/9781003375012.</text>
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                <text>Immigration Reform and Control Act (IRCA), page one. &#13;
&#13;
Congress.gov. "S.1200 - 99th Congress (1985-1986): Immigration Reform and Control Act of 1986." November 6, 1986. https://www.congress.gov/bill/99th-congress/senate-bill/1200.</text>
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                  <text>Working-Class Histories</text>
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                <text>“Identity, Pride, and a Paycheck: Appalachian and Other Southern Women in Uptown, Chicago, 1950-1970.”</text>
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                <text>Roger Guy, “Identity, Pride, and a Paycheck: Appalachian and Other Southern Women in Uptown, Chicago, 1950-1970,” &lt;em&gt;Journal of Appalachian Studies&lt;/em&gt;, vol. 7, no. 1, 2001, pp. 46–63.</text>
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                <text>In this journal article Richard Guy argues that the voice of “women remains conspicuously absent or subsumed within the family” regarding postwar migration out of the South to Uptown, Chicago (Guy, 46). He claims that in the previous historiography, women have not been labeled as actors in their migration. The purpose of his article is to center women in the Appalachian migration story (Guy, 46). Between 1950 and 1970, 40 to 80 percent of migrants to Chicago came from the South (Guy, 51). Half of this migration originated from Kentucky and West Virginia (48). From 1950 to 1956, approximately 800,000 people moved to Chicago (Guy, 51). &#13;
&#13;
Many Southern women saw the migration to Uptown as an opportunity for social mobility, for women to get employed, and for more independence (Guy, 46, 51). While Uptown was in an abysmal condition when many families arrived, women still found themselves holding the family together, and women’s work often guaranteed the family's survival (Guy, 46). Contrary to previous narratives about migration in Appalachian studies, Guy discovered that women were key in the family's decision to move to Chicago. They had “an impressive amount of control in directing their family’s migration” (Guy, 56). The women interviewed by Guy were clear that while they did enjoy increased independence and freedom in Uptown, it was not without large amounts of calculated risks (Guy, 55). Women were also more likely than men to discuss issues of race and seemed to be more willing to be receptive to working with people of color to survive (Guy, 55). The evidence presented by Guy demonstrates that women were more autonomous than previous scholarship suggested and that women were formidable powerhouses both in the move to Uptown and once they arrived. </text>
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                <text>&lt;em&gt;Hillbilly Highway: The Transappalachian Migration and the Making of a White Working Class&lt;/em&gt;</text>
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                <text>Max Fraser, "On the Road: Migration and the Making of a Transregional Working Class" in Hillbilly Highway: The Transappalachian Migration and the Making of a White Working Class (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2023). </text>
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                <text>In the second chapter of his book, Max Fraser shares how hillbilly highway, formally known as the U.S. Route 45, U.S. 31, U.S. 41 and U.S. 45, created opportunities for a “new type of mobility and a new form of migration” (Fraser, 50 and 51). Fraser argues against the typical migration studies philosophy of only noting the starting and ending points of migration, and he believes the migration experience is just as critical as the starting and ending locations (Fraser, 48). To demonstrate the experience of migration, Fraser relies on testimonies both from migrants themselves and from newspaper clippings to tell what the trip from the South to Midwestern cities was like (Fraser, 46).&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;&lt;span&gt;Fraser reiterates that transportation difficulties were a characteristic of the upper South and defined many Southerners' lives (Fraser, 49). However, through the mid-1920s, New Deal programs and poor economic conditions forced Southerners out of the South (Fraser, 51). Migrants often used the innumerable “taxi” services to leave the country sides on track for the midwest or “buses” which were station wagons (Fraser, 54 and 55). While most migrants were men, the most common women on the road were young women who were going to work, unpaid, as housewives (Fraser, 61).&amp;nbsp; Not only did the hillbilly highway bring people it also brought goods from the South to the North and vice versa (Fraser, 62). Fraser is sure to highlight the peculiarities of this migration. For instance, many of the white Southerners who went to the Midwest were only there sporadically or when work was short in the South, and they often travelled back home (Fraser, 71). He shares that this pattern is not true for Black southerners, as they were often fleeing the racial violence in the Jim Crow South and had a lower desire to return (Fraser, 73).&amp;nbsp; As a result of the cyclical migration Fraser describes, families found themselves constantly between old and new homes.&lt;/span&gt;</text>
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