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                  <text>Histories of Racial Violence</text>
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                <text>"Recuperating Histories of Violence in the Americas: Vernacular History-Making on the US-Mexico Border"</text>
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                <text>Monica Muñoz Martinez, "&lt;span&gt;Recuperating Histories of Violence in the Americas: Vernacular History-Making on the US-Mexico Border&lt;/span&gt;" &lt;em&gt;American Quarterly&lt;/em&gt;, Vol. 66, No. 3, Special Issue: Las Américas Quarterly (September 2014): pp. 661-689</text>
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                <text>In this article Monica Martinez examines racial violence against ethnic Mexicans in early 20th-century Texas, specifically the 1915 murder of Jesús Bazán and Antonio Longoria. The piece explores how local and family narratives challenge official histories that often erased or justified such violence. Martinez highlights how historical memory, storytelling, and activism play a role in confronting past injustices and shaping public understanding of state-sanctioned racial terror.&#13;
&#13;
While the state-backed violence against Mexican Americans and Mexican migrants living around the Texas border wasn't explicitly encouraged by the Texas Rangers, the lack of guardrails and legal consequences against the Rangers gave the organization free-range to do and act like they pleased. The low number of documented sources reporting on the murders of Mexicans at the time is similar to other cases of state-sanctioned violence toward black Americans around Texas and other states in the US south.&#13;
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                <text>Kendra T. Field details the story of one family involved in a Chief Alfred Charles Sam's lesser-known Back-to-Africa movement in the early 20th century to claim that Marcus Garvey's larger movement and the Great Migration in general were rooted in the increasing ability of Black Americans  to travel and migrate. Field further explains that Oklahoma was an early post-emancipation destination for freemen due to the United States' federal government's largely uninvolved presence in the territory that had originally been set aside for displaced Native Americans and less presence of discrimination.&#13;
&#13;
Field's article offers insight to matters of migration, mobility, and race. She examines the case of "Chief Sam," for example, who drew people into his movement back to Africa by promising developable land to black Oklahomans who had their land removed from them when the state was formed. This movement mirrored the migration of white European settlers to the Americas in search of land and subsequent prosperity. . Sam also used the idea of Moses to motivate people to join him, alluding to the movement of enslaved Jews from Egypt to a land that was ordained for their prosperity. This movement to long for the homeland also manifested as the desire to create a new homeland in America on Indian Territory and relocate in their effort to establish their freedom and their peoplehood. Throughout the piece, Kendra T. Field describes how the longing of freed Black Americans for a territory to manifest their freedom on led to the migration of groups to various lands and the establishment of movements that perhaps exploited this feeling.</text>
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                <text>Kendra T. Field, "'No Such Thing as Stand Still': Migration and Geopolitics in African American History,"&amp;nbsp;&lt;em&gt;Journal of American History&amp;nbsp;&lt;/em&gt;(December 2015): 693-718.</text>
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                <text>Field Notes: El Casino Monte Carlo Dance Hall. Folklife- Dance: Matachines.&#13;
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                <text>And the Migrants Kept Coming</text>
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                <text>&lt;em&gt;Hillbilly Highway: The Transappalachian Migration and the Making of a White Working Class&lt;/em&gt;</text>
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                <text>Max Fraser, "On the Road: Migration and the Making of a Transregional Working Class" in Hillbilly Highway: The Transappalachian Migration and the Making of a White Working Class (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2023). </text>
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                <text>In the second chapter of his book, Max Fraser shares how hillbilly highway, formally known as the U.S. Route 45, U.S. 31, U.S. 41 and U.S. 45, created opportunities for a “new type of mobility and a new form of migration” (Fraser, 50 and 51). Fraser argues against the typical migration studies philosophy of only noting the starting and ending points of migration, and he believes the migration experience is just as critical as the starting and ending locations (Fraser, 48). To demonstrate the experience of migration, Fraser relies on testimonies both from migrants themselves and from newspaper clippings to tell what the trip from the South to Midwestern cities was like (Fraser, 46).&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;&lt;span&gt;Fraser reiterates that transportation difficulties were a characteristic of the upper South and defined many Southerners' lives (Fraser, 49). However, through the mid-1920s, New Deal programs and poor economic conditions forced Southerners out of the South (Fraser, 51). Migrants often used the innumerable “taxi” services to leave the country sides on track for the midwest or “buses” which were station wagons (Fraser, 54 and 55). While most migrants were men, the most common women on the road were young women who were going to work, unpaid, as housewives (Fraser, 61).&amp;nbsp; Not only did the hillbilly highway bring people it also brought goods from the South to the North and vice versa (Fraser, 62). Fraser is sure to highlight the peculiarities of this migration. For instance, many of the white Southerners who went to the Midwest were only there sporadically or when work was short in the South, and they often travelled back home (Fraser, 71). He shares that this pattern is not true for Black southerners, as they were often fleeing the racial violence in the Jim Crow South and had a lower desire to return (Fraser, 73).&amp;nbsp; As a result of the cyclical migration Fraser describes, families found themselves constantly between old and new homes.&lt;/span&gt;</text>
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