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                <text>Immigration Reform and Control Act of 1986</text>
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                <text>November 6, 1986.</text>
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                <text>Introduced by Senator Simpson (R-WY) and signed into law by President Reagan, the Immigration Reform and Control Act of 1986 made it unlawful for people and companies in the United States to hire undocumented people and/or continue to employ them despite knowing their status. The act also stated that it is a fair hiring practice for employers to hire US citizens and/or documented residents over equally qualified undocumented workers. The most noteworthy piece of the legislation is under Title II of the Act: any undocumented person can apply to gain temporary status and then permanent status as long as they can prove that they had been living in the US since Jan 1, 1982 without having commited any felonies nor at least three misdemeanors and prove that they understand some English and have some knowledge of American history and government. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Before the act passed, some undocumented Mexican immigrants would move in and out of the US in cycles but because of the Act's further militarization of the border, crossing the border became more expensive and more dangerous, so settling in the US and sending remittances home became the norm. The number of undocumented immigrants coming from Central America also increased in the 1980s following US intervention in the military conflicts in Central America. Some of these refugees played a part in advocating for the provisions under Title II in the Act that gave undocumented immigrants the path to change their status. While the Act did help 2.7 million undocumented people gain residency - including thousands in the South - it did not help keep people from moving to the United States. At the time of the bill's signing, there was an estimated 3.2 million undocumented people living in the United States but by 2000, that number had grown to about 8.5 million undocumented people. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;See: &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Gonzales, Alfonso. &lt;em&gt;Reform without Justice : Latino Migrant Politics and the Homeland Security State&lt;/em&gt;. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2014. Pg 53-55.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Warde, Bryan. "Undocumented Immigration." In &lt;em&gt;INSIDE U.S. IMMIGRATION POLICY the Historical and Social Forces Shaping Contemporary Debates&lt;/em&gt;. New York: ROUTLEDGE, 2025. https://doi.org/10.4324/9781003375012.</text>
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                <text>Immigration Reform and Control Act (IRCA), page one. &#13;
&#13;
Congress.gov. "S.1200 - 99th Congress (1985-1986): Immigration Reform and Control Act of 1986." November 6, 1986. https://www.congress.gov/bill/99th-congress/senate-bill/1200.</text>
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                <text>“Identity, Pride, and a Paycheck: Appalachian and Other Southern Women in Uptown, Chicago, 1950-1970.”</text>
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                <text>Roger Guy, “Identity, Pride, and a Paycheck: Appalachian and Other Southern Women in Uptown, Chicago, 1950-1970,” &lt;em&gt;Journal of Appalachian Studies&lt;/em&gt;, vol. 7, no. 1, 2001, pp. 46–63.</text>
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                <text>In this journal article Richard Guy argues that the voice of “women remains conspicuously absent or subsumed within the family” regarding postwar migration out of the South to Uptown, Chicago (Guy, 46). He claims that in the previous historiography, women have not been labeled as actors in their migration. The purpose of his article is to center women in the Appalachian migration story (Guy, 46). Between 1950 and 1970, 40 to 80 percent of migrants to Chicago came from the South (Guy, 51). Half of this migration originated from Kentucky and West Virginia (48). From 1950 to 1956, approximately 800,000 people moved to Chicago (Guy, 51). &#13;
&#13;
Many Southern women saw the migration to Uptown as an opportunity for social mobility, for women to get employed, and for more independence (Guy, 46, 51). While Uptown was in an abysmal condition when many families arrived, women still found themselves holding the family together, and women’s work often guaranteed the family's survival (Guy, 46). Contrary to previous narratives about migration in Appalachian studies, Guy discovered that women were key in the family's decision to move to Chicago. They had “an impressive amount of control in directing their family’s migration” (Guy, 56). The women interviewed by Guy were clear that while they did enjoy increased independence and freedom in Uptown, it was not without large amounts of calculated risks (Guy, 55). Women were also more likely than men to discuss issues of race and seemed to be more willing to be receptive to working with people of color to survive (Guy, 55). The evidence presented by Guy demonstrates that women were more autonomous than previous scholarship suggested and that women were formidable powerhouses both in the move to Uptown and once they arrived. </text>
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                <text>&lt;em&gt;Hillbilly Highway: The Transappalachian Migration and the Making of a White Working Class&lt;/em&gt;</text>
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                <text>Max Fraser, "On the Road: Migration and the Making of a Transregional Working Class" in Hillbilly Highway: The Transappalachian Migration and the Making of a White Working Class (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2023). </text>
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                <text>In the second chapter of his book, Max Fraser shares how hillbilly highway, formally known as the U.S. Route 45, U.S. 31, U.S. 41 and U.S. 45, created opportunities for a “new type of mobility and a new form of migration” (Fraser, 50 and 51). Fraser argues against the typical migration studies philosophy of only noting the starting and ending points of migration, and he believes the migration experience is just as critical as the starting and ending locations (Fraser, 48). To demonstrate the experience of migration, Fraser relies on testimonies both from migrants themselves and from newspaper clippings to tell what the trip from the South to Midwestern cities was like (Fraser, 46).&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;&lt;span&gt;Fraser reiterates that transportation difficulties were a characteristic of the upper South and defined many Southerners' lives (Fraser, 49). However, through the mid-1920s, New Deal programs and poor economic conditions forced Southerners out of the South (Fraser, 51). Migrants often used the innumerable “taxi” services to leave the country sides on track for the midwest or “buses” which were station wagons (Fraser, 54 and 55). While most migrants were men, the most common women on the road were young women who were going to work, unpaid, as housewives (Fraser, 61).&amp;nbsp; Not only did the hillbilly highway bring people it also brought goods from the South to the North and vice versa (Fraser, 62). Fraser is sure to highlight the peculiarities of this migration. For instance, many of the white Southerners who went to the Midwest were only there sporadically or when work was short in the South, and they often travelled back home (Fraser, 71). He shares that this pattern is not true for Black southerners, as they were often fleeing the racial violence in the Jim Crow South and had a lower desire to return (Fraser, 73).&amp;nbsp; As a result of the cyclical migration Fraser describes, families found themselves constantly between old and new homes.&lt;/span&gt;</text>
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                <text>Field Notes: El Casino Monte Carlo Dance Hall. Folklife- Dance: Matachines.&#13;
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