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                <text>"'No Such Thing as Stand Still': Migration and Geopolitics in African American History"</text>
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                <text>Kendra T. Field details the story of one family involved in a Chief Alfred Charles Sam's lesser-known Back-to-Africa movement in the early 20th century to claim that Marcus Garvey's larger movement and the Great Migration in general were rooted in the increasing ability of Black Americans  to travel and migrate. Field further explains that Oklahoma was an early post-emancipation destination for freemen due to the United States' federal government's largely uninvolved presence in the territory that had originally been set aside for displaced Native Americans and less presence of discrimination.&#13;
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Field's article offers insight to matters of migration, mobility, and race. She examines the case of "Chief Sam," for example, who drew people into his movement back to Africa by promising developable land to black Oklahomans who had their land removed from them when the state was formed. This movement mirrored the migration of white European settlers to the Americas in search of land and subsequent prosperity. . Sam also used the idea of Moses to motivate people to join him, alluding to the movement of enslaved Jews from Egypt to a land that was ordained for their prosperity. This movement to long for the homeland also manifested as the desire to create a new homeland in America on Indian Territory and relocate in their effort to establish their freedom and their peoplehood. Throughout the piece, Kendra T. Field describes how the longing of freed Black Americans for a territory to manifest their freedom on led to the migration of groups to various lands and the establishment of movements that perhaps exploited this feeling.</text>
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                <text>Kendra T. Field, "'No Such Thing as Stand Still': Migration and Geopolitics in African American History,"&amp;nbsp;&lt;em&gt;Journal of American History&amp;nbsp;&lt;/em&gt;(December 2015): 693-718.</text>
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                <text>"Recuperating Histories of Violence in the Americas: Vernacular History-Making on the US-Mexico Border"</text>
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                <text>Monica Muñoz Martinez, "&lt;span&gt;Recuperating Histories of Violence in the Americas: Vernacular History-Making on the US-Mexico Border&lt;/span&gt;" &lt;em&gt;American Quarterly&lt;/em&gt;, Vol. 66, No. 3, Special Issue: Las Américas Quarterly (September 2014): pp. 661-689</text>
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                <text>In this article Monica Martinez examines racial violence against ethnic Mexicans in early 20th-century Texas, specifically the 1915 murder of Jesús Bazán and Antonio Longoria. The piece explores how local and family narratives challenge official histories that often erased or justified such violence. Martinez highlights how historical memory, storytelling, and activism play a role in confronting past injustices and shaping public understanding of state-sanctioned racial terror.&#13;
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While the state-backed violence against Mexican Americans and Mexican migrants living around the Texas border wasn't explicitly encouraged by the Texas Rangers, the lack of guardrails and legal consequences against the Rangers gave the organization free-range to do and act like they pleased. The low number of documented sources reporting on the murders of Mexicans at the time is similar to other cases of state-sanctioned violence toward black Americans around Texas and other states in the US south.&#13;
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                <text>"Snapchat vs. salah: For many Muslim families, phones present both challenges and opportunities (but mostly challenges)"</text>
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                <text>A news article from 285 South</text>
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                <text>Tasnim Shamma</text>
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                <text>“‘South of the South?’ Jews, Blacks, and the Civil Rights Movement in Miami, 1945-1960”</text>
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                <text>Dr. Raymond Mohl was a professor of history who dedicated his work to exploring the urban histories of the South and the many problems associated with it. His focus is exemplified in this article as he discusses the interactions between Jewish and Black communities during the civil rights movement in Miami from 1945 to 1960. The piece follows the efforts of civil rights organizations such as the NAACP and the Congress of Racial Equality (CORE), as well as highlighting personal stories of individual activists. Mohl documents the work done by these groups and how certain activists interacted, as well as the opposition to their efforts, especially from the KKK and anti-communist McCarthyism. Overall the article expands our understanding of the lived experience of various marginalized groups and what, if any, shared experience they may have had in the Jim Crow South.&#13;
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Specifically, Dr. Mohl examines the interactions that Black and Jewish communities in the mid-20th century in Miami and works to understand how each community navigated a time when racial and political violence was rampant. Through this paper, it is understood that while Black and Jewish communities were held as “outsiders”, their lived experience indicates that both communities were not as collaborative as imagined. What prevented the mobility of brotherhood between the two communities was McCarthyism. The “red scare” forced both communities into their enclaves, only enabling some members of either community to forge bonds. This piece serves as reminder that lived experiences of those may not reflect the heroic ideology that we so earnestly want to believe in and that mobility extends beyond just the movement of people. &#13;
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                <text>Raymond A. “‘South of the South?’ Jews, Blacks, and the Civil Rights Movement in Miami, 1945-1960.” &lt;em&gt;J&lt;/em&gt;&lt;em&gt;ournal of American Ethnic History&lt;/em&gt;, vol. 18, no. 2, 1999, pp. 3–36. JSTOR, https://www.jstor.org/stable/27502414.</text>
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                <text>“Identity, Pride, and a Paycheck: Appalachian and Other Southern Women in Uptown, Chicago, 1950-1970.”</text>
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                <text>Roger Guy, “Identity, Pride, and a Paycheck: Appalachian and Other Southern Women in Uptown, Chicago, 1950-1970,” &lt;em&gt;Journal of Appalachian Studies&lt;/em&gt;, vol. 7, no. 1, 2001, pp. 46–63.</text>
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                <text>In this journal article Richard Guy argues that the voice of “women remains conspicuously absent or subsumed within the family” regarding postwar migration out of the South to Uptown, Chicago (Guy, 46). He claims that in the previous historiography, women have not been labeled as actors in their migration. The purpose of his article is to center women in the Appalachian migration story (Guy, 46). Between 1950 and 1970, 40 to 80 percent of migrants to Chicago came from the South (Guy, 51). Half of this migration originated from Kentucky and West Virginia (48). From 1950 to 1956, approximately 800,000 people moved to Chicago (Guy, 51). &#13;
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Many Southern women saw the migration to Uptown as an opportunity for social mobility, for women to get employed, and for more independence (Guy, 46, 51). While Uptown was in an abysmal condition when many families arrived, women still found themselves holding the family together, and women’s work often guaranteed the family's survival (Guy, 46). Contrary to previous narratives about migration in Appalachian studies, Guy discovered that women were key in the family's decision to move to Chicago. They had “an impressive amount of control in directing their family’s migration” (Guy, 56). The women interviewed by Guy were clear that while they did enjoy increased independence and freedom in Uptown, it was not without large amounts of calculated risks (Guy, 55). Women were also more likely than men to discuss issues of race and seemed to be more willing to be receptive to working with people of color to survive (Guy, 55). The evidence presented by Guy demonstrates that women were more autonomous than previous scholarship suggested and that women were formidable powerhouses both in the move to Uptown and once they arrived. </text>
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                <text>“Strange Fruit? Syrian Immigrants, Extralegal Violence and Racial Formation in the Jim Crow South” </text>
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                <text>In this article Sarah Gualtieri uses a combination of newspapers, government data, journals, reports, court cases, and primary accounts as her historical backing for this article. She illustrates the unique position Arab-Americans have had since the Jim Crow Era, a racialization which has shifted and continues into modern times (especiallt post 9/11). In this piece she focuses on Arab migrants' perceived "whiteness" and despite how they may have "looked white" on the outside, they were still subject to discrimination and violence throughout American history. She writes that Arabs were "a minority without minority status" and "the most invisible of the invisibles". She traces the 1929 lynching of Nicholas and Fannie Romey and how because he lacked roots in the southern community and "belonged to a suspect immigrant group", he was subject to exclusion from white controlled spaces. She also writes that the untimely deaths of Nicholas and Fannie "form part of the sediment on which later racialization projects were, and are, being built."</text>
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                <text>Sarah Gualtieri, “Strange Fruit? Syrian Immigrants, Extralegal Violence and Racial Formation in the Jim Crow South,” &lt;em&gt;Arab Studies Quarterly&lt;/em&gt; 26, no 3 (Summer 2004): 63-85.</text>
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                <text>&lt;em&gt;Forging Diaspora: Afro-Cubans and African Americans in a World of Empire and Jim Crow&lt;/em&gt;</text>
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                <text>In the third chapter of&amp;nbsp;&lt;em&gt;Forging Diaspora&lt;/em&gt;, &lt;span&gt;Frank Guridy examines a link between Afro-cubans and Black Americans through the Cuban migration to the United States to pursue an education at Historically Black colleges and universities (HBCU), specifically the Tuskegee Institute. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Using Tuskegee as an example, he argues that Cubans were able to receive a higher level of education in HBCU's and that kids were being sent over not just because of racial reasons, but also because parents saw an opportunity for their kids to advance themselves. However, the US government looked at this as a way to maintain the racial hierarchies that were already present in American society. Guridy also emphasizes Booker T. Washingtons "moderate" mindset on the afro-hispanic migration to black colleges. While he wanted to establish an identification with colored people worldwide, he also wanted to show his allegiance to the United States. Washington's approach to afro-hispanics joining HBCU's highlights the intersectionality between achieving racial progress for African-Americans and maintaining the racial structure of post-civil war America.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Guridy's approach gives insight into how Black people were able to achieve racial progress, even during a time in which the US government was striving to restrict said progress.&lt;/span&gt;</text>
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                <text>Frank Guridy, “Forging Diaspora in the Shadow of Empire: The Tuskegee-Cuba Connection” in&amp;nbsp;&lt;em&gt;Forging Diaspora&lt;/em&gt; &lt;span class="textLayer--absolute" dir="ltr" role="presentation"&gt;(The University of North Carolina Press, &lt;/span&gt;&lt;span class="textLayer--absolute" dir="ltr" role="presentation"&gt;2010): 17-60.&lt;/span&gt;</text>
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                <text>&lt;em&gt;Hillbilly Highway: The Transappalachian Migration and the Making of a White Working Class&lt;/em&gt;</text>
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                <text>Max Fraser, "On the Road: Migration and the Making of a Transregional Working Class" in Hillbilly Highway: The Transappalachian Migration and the Making of a White Working Class (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2023). </text>
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                <text>In the second chapter of his book, Max Fraser shares how hillbilly highway, formally known as the U.S. Route 45, U.S. 31, U.S. 41 and U.S. 45, created opportunities for a “new type of mobility and a new form of migration” (Fraser, 50 and 51). Fraser argues against the typical migration studies philosophy of only noting the starting and ending points of migration, and he believes the migration experience is just as critical as the starting and ending locations (Fraser, 48). To demonstrate the experience of migration, Fraser relies on testimonies both from migrants themselves and from newspaper clippings to tell what the trip from the South to Midwestern cities was like (Fraser, 46).&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;&lt;span&gt;Fraser reiterates that transportation difficulties were a characteristic of the upper South and defined many Southerners' lives (Fraser, 49). However, through the mid-1920s, New Deal programs and poor economic conditions forced Southerners out of the South (Fraser, 51). Migrants often used the innumerable “taxi” services to leave the country sides on track for the midwest or “buses” which were station wagons (Fraser, 54 and 55). While most migrants were men, the most common women on the road were young women who were going to work, unpaid, as housewives (Fraser, 61).&amp;nbsp; Not only did the hillbilly highway bring people it also brought goods from the South to the North and vice versa (Fraser, 62). Fraser is sure to highlight the peculiarities of this migration. For instance, many of the white Southerners who went to the Midwest were only there sporadically or when work was short in the South, and they often travelled back home (Fraser, 71). He shares that this pattern is not true for Black southerners, as they were often fleeing the racial violence in the Jim Crow South and had a lower desire to return (Fraser, 73).&amp;nbsp; As a result of the cyclical migration Fraser describes, families found themselves constantly between old and new homes.&lt;/span&gt;</text>
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                <text>&lt;em&gt;Houston Bound: Culture and Color in a Jim Crow City&lt;/em&gt;</text>
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                <text>In the first chapter of&amp;nbsp;&lt;em&gt;Houston Bound&lt;/em&gt;, Steptoe &lt;span&gt;investigates the cultural and racial transformations in Houston, Texas, during the era of Jim Crow segregation. She explores the migration patterns that shaped the city's Black, Creole, and Mexican American communities, illustrating how these groups navigated racial boundaries and influenced Houston’s cultural landscape. Using historical interpretation, narrative accounts, and folkloric traditions, Steptoe shows how music, migration, law enforcement, and other factors created and "managed" Black urban life.&lt;/span&gt;&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;&lt;span&gt;One of the major aspects of the work is the rural work and urban police system as exemplified by Huddie Ledbetter (Leadbelly) and the construction of Black neighborhoods as centers of cultural and political defiance. This work offers great insight for students and practitioners of the African American history, urbanism, and cultural geography by revealing the complex interrelations of race, place, and identity in the South United States.&lt;/span&gt;</text>
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                <text>Tyina L. Steptoe, "&lt;span&gt;The Bayou City in Black and White" in&lt;/span&gt;&amp;nbsp;&lt;em&gt;Houston Bound: Culture and Color in a Jim Crow City&lt;/em&gt;:21-59.&amp;nbsp;1st ed., University of California Press, 2016.</text>
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                <text>&lt;em&gt;The White Scourge: Mexicans, Blacks, and Poor Whites in Texas Cotton Culture&lt;/em&gt;</text>
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                <text>In &lt;em&gt;The White Scourage: Mexicans, Blacks, and Poor Whites in Texan Cotton Culture&amp;nbsp;&lt;/em&gt;historian Neil Foley &lt;span&gt;writes about the westward expansion of cotton culture in the Old South fundamentally shaped the social, economic, and political development of the American Southwest, extending the plantation economy, deepening reliance on slavery, and shaping racial power dynamics. To do so, he uses economic data about the price of cotton, government documents including the Indian Removal Act of 1830, plantation records, diaries by plantation owners and the enslaved, and speeches by Southern politicians. The historiography he contributes to is one shaped by scholars of slavery and geographers looking at Western expansion.&amp;nbsp;&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;&lt;span class="post_mention"&gt;The book establishes a crucial historical context for understanding contemporary migration by demonstrating that the South has long been a site of diverse population movements, both forced and voluntary, that have profoundly affected its social, economic, and political structures. It highlights how the expansion of cotton agriculture was driven by the movement of people and the exploitation of labor, therefore creating a complex racial hierarchy that continues to resonate in the region.&amp;nbsp;White Scourage&amp;nbsp;r&lt;/span&gt;eflects how cotton monoculture led to soil depletion, linking environmental history to human-driven economic growth.&amp;nbsp;&lt;br /&gt;&lt;/span&gt;</text>
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                <text>Neil Foley, &lt;em&gt;The White Scourge: Mexicans, Blacks, and Poor Whites in Texas Cotton Culture&lt;/em&gt; (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1996).</text>
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